Central bankers face stiff new challenges in fragmenting and fractious world

Central banks were challenged and have been found wanting by the events of the past three years. The next few years will be equally difficult, if not more so, as the aftershocks of the pandemic, the war in Ukraine and the tensions between the US and China reshape the global environment.

After years of stubbornly low inflation all the major central banks, including the Reserve Bank, misjudged the impact of the pandemic. They all believed its disruptive impacts on global supply chains would be, as the US Federal Reserve Board maintained, “transitory.”

Reserve Banks misjudged the impact of the pandemic on the world’s supply chains.
Reserve Banks misjudged the impact of the pandemic on the world’s supply chains.Credit:

Not only did they get that badly wrong – supply chains have only just regained something approaching their pre-pandemic functioning – but they also underestimated the impacts of their own unprecedented, unconventional, loose monetary policies and their governments’ fiscal responses to inflation rates that had been largely dormant for decades.

The Russian invasion of Ukraine wasn’t forseeable, nor were the extraordinary sanctions imposed by the West and the disruption that would cause to commodity markets, energy in particular.

The confluence of those events, along with the continuing escalation of trade hostilities between the US and China and their enlistment of their allies in a clash of economic and geopolitical ambitions, has changed the world.

After decades of globalisation and global growth that underwrote China’s surging economy and those of other developing economies, the supply chain shocks and the emergence of a multipolar world among the intensifying geopolitical tensions are driving deglobalisation and what the European Central Bank president, Christine Lagarde, referred to last week as the “fragmentation of the global economy into competing blocs.”

The pandemic revealed the vulnerability of economies, reliant on global supply chains for strategic supplies, to external shocks. The war in Ukraine underscored the risks of being overly-dependent on particular suppliers of critical resources.

The response has been diversification of sourcing, with “friendshoring” and reshoring” and increased protectionism key features of the new global trade and investment patterns.

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That has implications for costs and inflation. Lagarde said in her speech last week that if global value chains fragmented along geopolitical lines, the increase in consumer prices could range between five per cent, in the near term, to about one per cent, in the long run.

With the West dependent on China for many of the critical resources needed for the 21st Century economy – rare earths, batteries for electric vehicles, and solar panels – complete decoupling is impractical, but the path to diversification is likely to be messy and potentially, if the tensions between the US and China continue to rise, traumatic.

It won’t be easy for governments to steer a course between complete decoupling from China and its allies/dependents – an outcome that US Treasury Secretary Janet Yellen as said last week would be disastrous – while trying to protect their own national economic and security interests. Nor will it be costless even if they can.

That’s the new environment that central bankers are supposed to navigate despite simple mandates that generally focus on price and financial system stability and employment.

Before the pandemic, the central banks didn’t have to concern themselves with supply side issues nor, before the war in Ukraine and the increase in trade and geopolitical frictions between the US and China, did they have to spend much time thinking about the implications of efforts to reduce the dominant role the US dollar plays within the global economy.

Now they are confronted with a host of new issues to consider, many of which are beyond their control and for which monetary policy tools – interest rates and liquidity – are quite crude instruments for responding to complex challenges.

Lagarde’s prescription is for fiscal policies to complement monetary policies.

“If fiscal and structural policies focus on removing supply constraints created by the new geopolitics, such as securing supply chains or diversifying energy production, we could then see a virtuous circle of lower volatility, lower inflation higher investment and higher growth.”

“But if fiscal policy instead focuses mainly on supporting incomes to offset cost pressures in excess of temporary and targeted responses to sudden large shocks, that will tend to raise inflation, increase borrowing costs and lower investment in new supply,” she said.

That would imply more co-operation and co-ordination of policies by governments and their central banks than has been the case in the major economies in recent decades and, perhaps, a tolerance for somewhat higher inflation rates than previously targeted during the transition from the global economy that existed pre-pandemic to the new world order.

Last week the federal treasurer, Jim Chalmers, released a review of the Reserve Bank which recommended a not-so-radical restructuring of the bank with the establishment of separate boards for monetary policy and governance of the bank. The monetary policy board would be a panel of experts drawn from outside the bank.

The model isn’t radical because the Fed, Bank of England and other central banks use the same structure rather than the mix of RBA executives and non-economists drawn largely from corporate Australia that have traditionally filled the RBA board, which for decades (until the pandemic) presided over what was one of the world’s most highly regarded and best-performing central banks.

It’s worth noting that while the review was prompted largely, albeit not entirely, by the RBA’s misjudgment of the impact of the pandemic, the same mistakes the RBA is being held accountable for were made by its peers in larger economies offshore, despite their panels of economic experts.

Indeed, the Fed’s insistence that the supply chain disruptions were transitory, which delayed its response to the outbreak of inflation, not only helped lead other central banks into the same trap of complacency but almost forced them into it because, for the Reserve Bank, running a policy that diverges too far from the world’s most powerful central bank has implications for their exchange rate.

Had the RBA started raising Australia’s interest rates earlier and faster, the Australian dollar would have surged, potentially dramatically, undermining the competitiveness of exports at a delicate moment for the economy.

In any event, the review and restructure are, at their heart, non-events (unless you are an RBA employee or director).

They would not guarantee the new-look RBA would be any more or less successful than the old RBA, although distancing people with experience in the “real” economy and handing monetary policies decisions over to technocrats carries some risk if there are substantial and structural changes occurring within the economy.

Whatever the structure of the central bank, the currents running through geopolitics and economies are evolving into tides. Regardless of how they are structured and peopled, they will be confronted with new and complex uncertainties and challenges in a fragmenting, multipolar world.

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Source: Thanks smh.com